By Souad Sbai
From Africa come news talking about new massacres. In Sobane-Kou, central Mali, 95 people belonging to the Dogon ethnic group, a third of the inhabitants, died after a fierce attack whose authorship has not yet been claimed. It was probably the reprisals from the Fulini rival group, that in March counted 130 victims in an attack carried out by armed men attributable to Dogon.
A conflict, the one between the semi-nomadic Fulani shepherds and Dogon hunters, that began a long time ago and in which the control of space and resources is at stake. However, since Mali lost the way to internal stability, starting with the failed military coup of 2012, the fighting has become more bloody and constant, due to the intervention carried out by jihadist extremism.
The Fulani are Muslims and to face the armed militias that the Dogon are accused of possessing, they would have found support from groups linked to al Qaeda that promote separatism in the north of the country with frequent terrorist attacks, often carried out even in the central regions.
In 2013, Al Qaeda joined the Tuareg rebellion against the central government, that was forced to request the military intervention of the former French colonizer to prevent the insurgents from advancing to the capital, Bamako. Later arrived a fragile agreement, still in force, but subject to constant wobble, due to the presence and activities of jihadist groups that are interconnected with the terrorist networks that cross sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa.
Cui prodest? In 2013, Qatar did not hide its sympathy for the Tuareg rebellion, whose cause was sponsored by the fascinating documentaries made by Al Jazeera. However, Doha’s media interest in the inhabitants of the Sahara desert hid the supply of arms and funding to terrorists; something that was revealed by the investigations carried out by some French newspapers.
Qatar’s support to the jihadist groups in Mali became a political issue in France that led Marie Le Pen to state that “Qatar is opposing the work carried out by France in Mali because this intervention threatens to destroy Doha’s more fundamentalists allies. ”
On the map of the Arab Spring, designed by the strategists of Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood, Mali was a piece of crucial importance that could have allowed to project the influence of the Islamist alliance in the rest of central and western Africa, starting from Libya , Egypt and Tunisia.
The ambitions of conquest of the Qatar-Muslim Brotherhood duo were frustrated, but they are still alive. Therefore, continuing to destabilize Mali against the French presence is a way of hitting Paris. Meanwhile, in Libya the struggle continues in the capital, Tripoli, between the Islamist militias that support Al Sarraj government – armed and financed by Doha and Erdogan’s Turkey – and Haftar’s National Army of General, that France has recognized as the main interlocutor in the Libyan case.
But this does not influences only Mali. The small Burkina Faso, that borders the central Mali and hosts French troops, has recently been affected by the repeated terrorist attacks targeted to Christian minorities in particular. The red line of jihad is also devouring Africa and its starting point is well known all over the world.